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|3 (indirectly related) articles from ny times|
|07/13/02 at 14:17:49|
|my apologies for the amalgam style of this posting. there are reasons, but they're um complicated --- you know, one of those secret agent things. very very raw deal for you if i tell you why..... |
(hee heee there was a very funny word in here.. but i fixed it - why don't i see these when i put them up? i find things all over the place --later, always. sorry to anyone who needed a tiny chuckle for today and missed the funny word...)
July 13, 2002
Journalist of Jenin's Despair Dies of Wound
By JAMES BENNET with JOEL GREENBERG
ENIN, West Bank, July 12 — Jenin's militants and Israel's military have made
this city notorious as a place of death. But to Imad Abu Zahra, it was home, and as a
journalist he struggled to express its history, its turbulent politics and its
Today, he died of a wound he suffered on Thursday, when he made his last effort to tell
the world about life here by photographing Israeli tanks downtown.
Two other Palestinians, including a 13-year-old boy, were killed today, by Israeli
gunfire in the Gaza Strip, bringing to at least 36 the number of Palestinians killed
since June 20, when Israel began seizing West Bank cities in response to
back-to-back suicide bombings in Jerusalem. Another death was reported though not
At least 17 of those killed have been unarmed civilians, said the Israeli human rights
The Israeli offensive in the West Bank, which has the tacit backing of the Bush
administration, has succeeded so far in stopping suicide attacks in Israel. Cafes in
Jerusalem — at least those that stayed open on the Jewish Sabbath — were jumping
tonight, after weeks of fearful silence.
The price to Palestinians has been high, with hundreds of thousands of people who
Israel acknowledges are innocent virtually prisoners in their homes, under 24-hour
curfew and stringent travel restrictions.
Some have paid for the heightened military alert with their lives, including Randa
al-Hindi, 45, and her 2-year-old daughter, Noor. Returning home from a relative's
wedding, they were shot dead last Saturday as their truck, in a foggy dawn,
approached Israeli Army outposts around the isolated Gaza settlement of Netzarim.
at first denied that its troops had opened fire, then said they had fired warning shots
after spotting suspicious people.
An army investigation found that soldiers had violated the army's firing regulations.
The soldiers involved will face disciplinary hearings, an army spokesman said.
The curfew had been temporarily lifted here on Thursday when Mr. Abu Zahra, 34,
was shot. The Israeli Army said today that it was investigating.
The army said that on Thursday afternoon, two armored vehicles were moving
through the downtown area when one hit a light pole and became stuck. A crowd
and Palestinians threw firebombs and then opened fire, prompting the soldiers to
fire back, the army said.
Witnesses here contradicted that account. Said Shawqi Dahla, a photographer for the
official Palestinian news agency, was with Mr. Abu Zahra when they spotted the
armored vehicle, about 150 feet down Salahadin Street. "We thought it was a good
picture," he recalled from a hospital bed here.
With the curfew lifted, Palestinians were moving through the streets, Mr. Dahla
said, but there had been no gunplay or other violence.
The two men began taking photographs, Mr. Dahla said. Both wore vests marked
Press, though only Mr. Dahla's was bulletproof. One of the armored vehicles began
shooting, he said. Mr. Dahla was shot in the left shin, Mr. Abu Zahra in the right
The journalists managed to reach cover in a nearby hair salon, its gray stone door
frame today still marked with Mr. Abu Zahra's crimson handprint. No ambulance
reach them, said Mr. Dahla and Ali Samoudi, a Reuters television cameraman who
arrived within minutes. After about half an hour, a taxi carried them to Jenin
Hospital, the witnesses said.
The large-caliber bullet that struck Mr. Abu Zahra had opened a grapefruit-size
wound in his right thigh, destroying more than two inches of his femoral artery, said
the surgeon who operated on him, Nihal Sawalha. "It was a very big wound," she said.
"There was almost no blood in his body."
Mr. Abu Zahra's heart and breathing stopped as he arrived at the hospital, Dr.
Sawalha said. She resuscitated and stabilized him. But this morning, after two heart
attacks, he died.
Mr. Abu Zahra often called some foreign journalists he met in Jenin to update them
on events here, in hopes of drawing attention to the city's plight and perhaps getting a
little work. He telephoned one reporter last month to describe how Israeli soldiers
had seized his father's house for a night, searching it and using it as their
headquarters to question the neighbors in what he called "a kind of violence and
He loved journalism, his family said, and he carried three press identification cards,
including an Israeli-issued card that expired in 1996.
He started his own newspaper that year, calling it simply Jenin. His father, Subhi
Abu Zahra, a retired English teacher, proudly displayed copies today.
Imad Abu Zahra interviewed an elderly resident about the city's heritage, and he
published another story about a local artist. But while he criticized Israel's
of the West Bank, he also criticized the mayor of Jenin, and for that he was jailed and
his paper shut down, his relatives and others here said.
Mr. Abu Zahra had just been awarded a fellowship to study television journalism in
England, his family said, and he planned to leave Jenin at the end of the month.
But his relatives had no doubt that he would have returned to cover life here. "He was
belonging to his city, intimately," said his father, his voice steady but his eyes red.
Today, in the town of Deir al Balah in the central Gaza Strip, Israeli forces exchanged
fire with Palestinians while arresting wanted men, the army said. Palestinian
officials said Israeli soldiers had opened fire on a police station there, killing one
policeman and Muain al-Adaini, 13.
In the West Bank, Palestinian security officials said Jamal Arrar, 37, died after he
was shot by Israeli troops near Qalqilya.
Arabs' Statehood Plan
CAIRO, July 12 — The Arab states, dismayed that the United States has basically
ignored their call for a specific timetable for defusing Arab-Israeli violence, will
propose a two-year plan for the establishment of a Palestinian state, senior Arab
officials said today.
The proposal will be made next week during a series of meetings that the foreign
ministers of Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia plan to hold with Secretary of State Colin
Powell and others at the United Nations and in Washington.
July 13, 2002
Silencing a Palestinian Moderate
By ANTHONY LEWIS
hy would Israel shut down the office of the leading Palestinian
moderate? Many asked that question when Israeli police acted this week against
president of Al Quds University and the Palestine Liberation
Organization's designated representative in Jerusalem. They carted off his files
and changed the
lock on the door.
Mr. Nusseibeh has been a voice for peace over many years. In 1988, before a
two-state solution was policy on either side, he told me that Palestinians should
Israel: "We don't want to destroy your state, but we want our own state
alongside." Last fall he said Palestinians should give up their claim of a right to
return to homes
In short, he is the perfect example of the new kind of leadership, peaceful and
pragmatic, that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel and President Bush have
Palestinians must have before there can be political negotiations on an end to the
conflict. Why target him?
The answer is that important elements in the Israeli government do not want a
real two-state solution and do not want political negotiations with a reformed
leadership. They prefer the present situation: the West Bank occupied or tightly
controlled by Israel, with an increasing number of Jewish settlers. The last thing
want is a respected Palestinian interlocutor.
The police raid was ordered by Uzi Landau, minister of public security in the
Sharon government. A hard-line member of the Likud Party, Mr. Landau opposed
agreement, with its call for gradual Israeli withdrawal from occupied territory
in favor of Palestinian control.
Jerusalem is a second part of the disinclination to negotiate. Mr. Landau and
others on the political right oppose giving up any part of Israel's claimed
greater Jerusalem. But Palestinians say they must have the capital of their state
in East Jerusalem, which is overwhelmingly Palestinian in population.
No Palestinian leader would, or politically could, accept a final agreement
without at least a small, symbolic Palestinian piece of Jerusalem. The previous
minister, Ehud Barak, recognized as much at Camp David two years ago when he
offered the Palestinians sovereignty over parts of East Jerusalem. Israelis like
Landau who say they will refuse to negotiate about Jerusalem are in effect saying
there will be no negotiations.
Mr. Landau said Mr. Nusseibeh's role as Jerusalem representative of the P.L.O.
was an effort to "undermine Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem." Mr. Nusseibeh
power there, but he is visible. And he comes from a family that has been
prominent in Jerusalem for centuries. The Nusseibehs hold the keys to the
Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, given to them by the quarreling Christian sects because they could not
agree on which should have them.
Where does Prime Minister Sharon stand on these questions? He did not tell Mr.
Landau to move against Sari Nusseibeh. But given the positions he has stated
there is no reason to think that he opposed the police raid or disagreed with its
Mr. Sharon has made clear that his idea of a "Palestinian state," if he ever agreed
to its creation, is very different from the viable state that international
have had in mind. He envisages islands of Palestinian territory, not contiguous,
surrounded by Israeli settlements, highways and military units. It would not
part of Jerusalem.
Mr. Sharon and Mr. Landau did not worry about United States reaction to the
Nusseibeh raid. They believe they have carte blanche from President Bush to act
wish against the Palestinians. Mr. Bush's recent speech really withdrew the
United States from an active role for the moment. So Israel felt no sting from a
statement that the Nusseibehr>Palestinian suicide bomber.
Rather than being motivated by revenge and hatred, Nurit Elhanan
and her husband Rami, both 52, are fighting for peace.
They are campaigning for an end to the Israeli occupation of the
Palestinian territories, calling it a cancer that is feeding terror.
Nurit, a doctor of language at Israel's Hebrew University, said: "No
real mother would ever think of consoling herself with the killing of
another mother's child.
"Israel is becoming a graveyard of children. The Holy Land is being
turned into a wasteland."
Graphic designer Rami agrees: "If an Israeli child is killed and the
next day a Palestinian child is killed, it's no solution.
"Our daughter was killed because of the terror of Israeli occupation.
Every innocent victim from both sides is a victim of the occupation.
The occupation is the cancer feeding Palestinian terror."
Last week, following two suicide bt Seattle mosques for possible ties to Al Qaeda, a
for a former mosque member said today.
"The grand jury is looking into a lot of things," said the lawyer, Robert Leen, who
declined to be specific.
Mr. Leen confirmed the inquiry in an interview, after The Seattle Times reported
today that investigators here had identified a half-dozen core members of the group
had gathered information on more than 100 others who had dealings with one of the
The newspaper said members of the group had ties to Abu Hamza al-Masri, a
suspected Qaeda recruiter who was born in Egypt, runs a London mosque and is
Yemen on terrorism charges. Mr. Masri told The Associated Press after the Sept. 11
attacks that it would be a blessing if God destroyed the United States. Only today, he
attended a London meeting of several militant Muslim leaders, who joined in
condemning the United States.
The Times also said federal investigators believed that the Seattle group might have
scouted a ranch near tiny Bly, Ore., in the fall of 1999 as a possible site for a
terrorist training camp. Bly is in Klamath County, whose sheriff, Tim Evinger, said
today that the ranch had "never been off the radar screen of the joint terrorism task
force" led by the Portland office of the F.B.I. He declined to give details.
Mr. Leen, the lawyer who confirmed the inquiry, represents Semi Osman, 32, who is
charged with trying to obtain citizenship fraudulently and with owning a handgun
whose serial number was removed. Mr. Osman was born in Sierra Leone, holds a
British passport and has lived in the United States since the late 1980's, Mr. Leen
Mr. Osman formerly attended the Dar-us-Salaam mosque, which closed after being
damaged in an earthquake in February 2001. It is members of that mosque, and of one
that opened nearby after the earthquake, who have been under investigation, Mr. Leen
The F.B.I. and the United States attorney's office here declined to comment.
But in Bly, Kelly Peterson, a local truck driver and cowboy who previously trained
horses for the ranch's owner, Ivan Fisher, said Mr. Osman lived at the ranch with a
woman and two children for about three months in 1999.
Mr. Peterson and other Bly residents said Mr. Osman had been known around town as
Sammy and had stood out in his tunic and skullcap. Mr. Peterson said that he had
heard gunfire at the ranch but that "people fire guns around here all the time." He
said he had seen nothing out of the ordinary there.
Regarding Mr. Osman's stay at the ranch, Mr. Leen, his lawyer, said, "I don't think
your information is inaccurate." Mr. Leen was clearly familiar with the ranch,
volunteering the name of Mr. Fisher, the owner, and saying, "Ivan Fisher raised
sheep there, that's true."
Mr. Leen said Mr. Osman had refused to cooperate with investigators. He said that Mr.
Osman was not a terrorist but that "it's true he was a member of a mosque where
it's clear there were some things going on that probably bear some investigation."
A spokeswoman for the Seattle Police Department, Deanna Nollette, said several
people at the Dar-us-Salaam mosque told officers who investigated a 1998 assault
large number of weapons were stored inside the building. She declined to comment
Mr. Osman was arrested on the fraudulent-citizenship charge this May, after
accusations that he had entered into a sham marriage in the early 1990's to gain
citizenship. Besides the handgun, investigators serving a search warrant found a visa
application for Yemen and a passport from Lebanon. The passport, issued in 1981,
bears Mr. Osman's photograph but the name Sami Samir el-Kassem, documents filed
in federal court in Seattle show.
|07/13/02 at 17:27:56|
|Re: 2 more|
|07/13/02 at 14:19:54|
July 13, 2002
U.S. Peacekeepers Given Year's Immunity From New Court
By SERGE SCHMEMANN
NITED NATIONS, July 12 — The Security Council today concluded an
unusual wrangle between the United States and many other members,
unanimously adopting a
resolution that effectively gives American peacekeepers a year's
exemption from prosecution by the new International Criminal Court.
After several hours of intense negotiations behind closed doors, the Council held a
brief public meeting to adopt the compromise text. Immediately afterward, the
renewed the mandates of two United Nations peacekeeping missions that had been
held hostage by the dispute — the mission in Bosnia and the one in the Croatian
Most members of the Council emerged visibly relieved by the conclusion of a
confrontation that had stretched into weeks of tense negotiations between the
and a growing body of nations. Those nations, including the entire European
Union, Mexico and Canada, formed a strong front to resist the American demands
immunity for American peacekeepers from the new court.
The compromise resolution drew on an existing article in the 1998 Rome Statute
under which the International Criminal Court was created, declaring that for one
the court would not open proceedings against any United Nations peacekeeping
personnel from countries that do not accept the court. The Council would have to
request after that.
For the Bush administration, the resolution was a retreat from its initial
demands for blanket immunity with almost automatic annual renewal. For the
simply allowing the Security Council to interpret an existing international
treaty was a concession.
In the end, both sides claimed to have satisfied their core demands. Americans had
relative immunity for a year, the Europeans maintained the integrity of the
for both sides, peacekeeping could continue.
"It offers us a degree of protection for the coming year," said the United States
ambassador, John D. Negroponte. But in comments clearly intended for opponents
international court back in Washington, he declared that the resolution was only
a first step.
"Should the I.C.C. eventually seek to detain any American, the United States would
regard this as illegitimate — and it would have serious consequences," he warned.
nation should underestimate our commitment to protect our citizens."
Most diplomats agreed with Secretary General Kofi Annan that the notion of any
peacekeeper coming before the court, which was created to prosecute
crimes, human rights violations and genocide, was utterly remote.
The dispute evolved, however, into the first public test of wills between the
administration of a lone superpower generally suspicious of multilateral
institutions and a
galaxy of smaller nations increasingly looking to such organizations. In the end,
diplomats said both sides had learned that the other could not be dismissed.
Sir Jeremy Greenstock, the British ambassador, who was broadly praised for his
leadership in the debate as president of the Security Council for July, said the
compromise was a "significant achievement" by governments that realized they
had to preserve "two very important institutions, the newly born International
Court and its integrity, and United Nations peacekeeping, with the full
contribution of all United Nations members."
"The United States learned it can't shout loud and make everyone move," said
another European diplomat. "And everybody else learned you can't push the United
beyond its limits."
Not everyone took that pragmatic stance. Paul Heinbecker, the ambassador from
Canada, who had called for a special session of the Council earlier in the week to
nonmembers like Canada have a say, icily declared that the vote was a "sad day for
"We are extremely disappointed with the outcome," he said. "We don't think it's
in the mandate of the Security Council to interpret treaties negotiated somewhere
A cluster of nongovernmental organizations supporting the international court
also expressed disappointment with the result. "The Bush administration rolled a
diplomatic tank over the International Criminal Court statute via an unlawful
Security Council resolution," said Vienna Colucci, international justice specialist
But French diplomats, who had led the resistance to the American demands, said
they were satisfied. "For us, what was paramount was the authority of the
International Criminal Court, and it seems to us that the result which we just
adopted is absolutely in line with the Statute of Rome," said Jean-David Levitte,
The key to winning over the resisters, diplomats said, was America's agreement
to move toward the actual provisions of the treaty, rather than demanding blanket
immunity. The final compromise declares that "if a case arises" involving
current or former peacekeeping officials from countries that do not subscribe to
the court will not begin any investigation or prosecution over the next 12
A similar provision exists in the Rome Statute, allowing France and other
members to declare that the treaty had not been tampered with.
July 13, 2002
An Arab Poet Who Dares to Differ
By ADAM SHATZ
ERLIN — "If I had to choose one word to describe myself, it would be
peasant," the poet known as Adonis said recently in his cozy office at the Institute
Advanced Studies here.
It is an uncharacteristic note of humility, coming from a man who renamed
himself after the Greek fertility god and who is widely considered the Arab
living poet. Adonis (pronounced AH-doh-nees) was born Ali Ahmad Said to
farmers who raised him in a Syrian village without electricity. But the only
patch of land this
urbane, irreverent man has cultivated is the garden of language.
Wearing a tweed jacket and a button-down blue shirt, Adonis, 72, has a wild
shock of hair, a grizzled face, clever eyes that always seem to be reaching for
and the light step of someone who has been on the move for nearly a half century.
Small and excitable, he can shift in a moment from literary theory to literary
Some Arab poets are more popular than Adonis — Mahmoud Darwish, the
Palestinian poet, for instance — but none are more admired. A pioneer of the
prose poem, he has
played a role in Arab modernism comparable to T. S. Eliot's in English-language
poetry. The literary and cultural critic Edward Said calls him "today's most
provocative Arab poet." The poet Samuel Hazo, who translated Adonis's collection
"The Pages of Day and Night," said, "There is Arabic poetry before Adonis, and
Arabic poetry after Adonis."
Experimental in style and prophetic in tone, Adonis's poetry combines the formal
innovations of modernism with the mystical imagery of classical Arabic poetry.
evoked the anguish of exile, the spiritual desolation of the Arab world, the
intoxicating experiences of madness and erotic bliss, the existential dance of self
and the other.
But what defines his work, above all, is the force of creative destruction, which
burns through everything he writes. "We will die if we do not create gods/We
will die if
we do not kill them," he once wrote, echoing his favorite poet, Nietzsche.
Poetry, he said, is "a question that begets another question" — a deeply
subversive stance in a region in which poets are often expected to take stands and
answers. Why is there so much didactic poetry in Arabic? Speaking in French,
Adonis gets straight to the point: "It's a tradition, beginning with Islam, which
the ideological use of poetry to the world long before Communism. There's a line
that runs from Islam to the caliphs to the parties of right and left." Thanks to the
difficulty of his work, and his often vehement critiques of Arab society, Adonis is
more respected than loved by Arab readers.
Adonis, for his part, appears to relish his contrarian reputation, sneering at "the
public" as "an ideological notion" and trying to please it "a sign of decadence for a
work of art." Asked about the Egyptian novelist Naguib Mahfouz, who is said to
have been chosen over him for the Nobel Prize in 1988, he said, "Mahfouz is
more of a
symbol than a great writer."
As for his rival Arab poets, they are "continuing the tradition with a few
variations, whereas I am the rupture with the past, I am the one who is
order of things, and that is ultimately what matters."
Adonis, who lives in Paris, is spending the year in Berlin, where he hopes to
finish the fourth volume of "Al-Kitab" ("The Book"), a Dantesque journey into
calls "the inferno of Arab history," beginning with the death of the Prophet
Muhammad and concluding with the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258. As a
the Alawites, a Shiite minority in Syria, Adonis has always had an acute sense of
being an outsider, and "Al-Kitab" offers a radically heretical view of Arab
seen by its many dissidents.
"I am among those who seek the ills of the Arabs in their own history, not outside
of it," he said. An outspoken champion of secular democracy and a ferocious critic
organized religion, Adonis has published many studies of Arab culture and
history, notably the book "The Changing and the Fixed: A Study of Conformity and
Arab Culture." In that volume, banned in certain Arab countries as heresy,
Adonis accused Islam's clerics of perpetuating what he calls past-ism — a
to cling to what is known and to fear the new. According to Adonis, even
apparently secular forms of politics in the Arab world, notably Arab nationalism
are religious in structure, presenting themselves as revelations — absolute
truths that confirm received wisdom instead of fostering debate.
"We live in a culture that doesn't leave a space for questions," he said, puffing on
a cigarillo. "It knows all the answers in advance. Even God has nothing left to
let out a high-pitched giggle, as he often does after saying something particularly
ominous or apocalyptic. What the Arab world needs, more than anything, he said,
"revolution of subjectivity" that would emancipate people from tradition. Until
this inner revolution occurs, he warned, Arabs would know only a secondhand
a dangerous brew of hollow consumerism, rigged elections and radical Islam.
"There is no more culture in the Arab world," he said. "It's finished. Culturally
we are a part of Western culture, but only as consumers, not as creators."
To American readers of Fouad Ajami and V. S. Naipaul, Adonis's criticisms of Arab
society may have a familiar ring. But what sets him apart from these men is that
writes in Arabic for an Arab audience, and that he is equally critical of the West,
particularly the United States. "What strikes me about the States," he said,
his arms as if he were conducting the Berlin Philharmonic, "is the richness of
American society on the one hand and, on the other" — he brought his hands
together as if
he were measuring a grain of sand — "the smallness of its foreign policy."
Since Sept. 11, some readers have turned to Adonis's chilling 1971 poem, "The
Funeral of New York," a vision of the city in flames that has a strong claim to
Waste Land" of our time. In the poem, a nameless narrator wanders through the
Financial District and Harlem, looking in vain for Walt Whitman's ghost and
imagining "an eastern wind" uprooting skyscrapers, "a cloud necklaced with fire"
and "people melting like tears."
"New York, to me, is both heaven and hell," he explained, adding, "When I read
this poem today, it frightens me."
The eldest of six children, Adonis was born in 1930 in Qassabin, on the coast
near Latakia. Although his father could not afford to send him to school, he taught
his son to
read poetry and the Koran. According to a well-known story, when Shukri
al-Kuwatli, the first president of the newly independent republic, visited nearby
14-year-old Adonis insisted on reading a poem he had written for the occasion.
The president was dazzled by the boy's gifts. "Tell me, what do you want?" he
"I want to go to school," Adonis replied.
Within a week, the president had arranged for Adonis to attend a French-run high
school. From there he went on to the University of Damascus, where he studied
philosophy and discovered Rimbaud and Baudelaire. At 19 he changed his name to
Adonis because he couldn't get poems published under his own name. "I am a pagan
prophet," he often says, a self-description that, like his name, is the subject of
many jokes among his Arab peers.
In 1956, after spending a year in prison for antigovernment activities, Adonis
fled to Beirut, then a vibrant, cosmopolitan haven for Arab poets, exiles and
his friend Yusuf al-Khal, a Lebanese poet, he edited the seminal journal Shir
(Poetry), a forum for experimental Arabic poetry as well as European verse in
"All the poetry in the Arab world in this period was either traditionalist or
nationalist," Adonis recalled. "What we were trying to achieve was a rediscovery
of the self,
against the tribe, against the umma, against all these ideological forms of culture.
And though we were often boycotted and accused of Americanism and other sins,
everyone acknowledges today that all that is true and real in Arab poetry comes
In 1968, Adonis created another influential journal, Mawaqif (Positions), which
enlarged the focus of Shir by addressing the politics — and the illusions — of Arab
nations after their defeat by Israel in 1967. When the Egyptian leader Gamal
Abdel Nasser of Egypt was at his apogee, Mawaqif devoted a special issue to
ideology of pan-Arabism. The next issue took on an even more sacred cow, the
Palestinian movement. "Our project was to put into question an entire culture
not just poetry," he said, "in order to renew Arab thought."
Adonis said he would have been happy to stay in Beirut, but the civil war there
made that impossible. During the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, his bedroom
bombed while he sat with his wife, Khalida, in the living room. A year later he
settled in Paris, choosing, as he puts it, the "hell of exile" over "the hell of daily
the Arab countries. Hell may seem a strong word to describe the life of a
middle-class literature professor at the Collège de France, but the earthly
comforts of life in
exile, he said, come with a painful sense of solitude, as well as the ever-present
menace of the fatwas issued against him.
"We are all seen as renegades and anti-Muslims, and we're all on hit lists," he
said, referring to secular Arab intellectuals. Meanwhile, he said, fundamentalism
nourished by the Israeli military campaign in the West Bank. "We are caught,"
he said, "between fundamentalism and the silence of our Jewish intellectual
"The Palestinian problem," he continued, lowering his voice for emphasis, "goes
beyond politics. It is an ethical problem, and ethics is never on the side of power.
and Palestinians must live together, whether it's in two states or in a federation."
He paused, sipping from a glass of red wine. "Religion has ceased to be a culture
become a mythology, for Islam as well as Judaism. These are people who do not
recognize, or reflect the other, in their language, people completely closed in on
themselves. Everyone pretends that God told them his last words." He laughed
heartily, but he did not look happy.
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